Summer Time

sweet words and honeyed phrases

Selected Date:200902 (57)

View Mode: Post List Post Summary

台北時報 EDITORIAL: Ma Ying-jeou’s 228 balancing act

Friday, Feb 27, 2009, Page 8

Tomorrow marks the 62nd anniversary of the 228 Incident, a tragic chapter in Taiwan’s history that six decades later still divides opinion, and one that will continue to do so until the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) makes a genuine effort to make

EDITORIAL: Ma Ying-jeou’s 228 balancing act



Friday, Feb 27, 2009, Page 8

Tomorrow marks the 62nd anniversary of the 228 Incident, a tragic chapter in Taiwan’s history that six decades later still divides opinion, and one that will continue to do so until the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) makes a genuine effort to make amends for the crimes it committed during the incident and its protracted aftermath.

As usual, the KMT’s attempts at reconciliation have been left to President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九), who after several years of trying to build bridges with victims’ families can now show his face at memorial events without too much controversy.

Attending as president for the first time, Ma on Wednesday went further than ever before when, at a meeting with Taiwan 228 Association members, he said that dictator Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) was responsible for the tragedy.

Even the apparent progress reflected in this admission is questionable, as it contradicts Ma’s comments from two years ago, when defending Chiang, he said “the decision-maker during the incident was not the party’s chairman.”

But it is still hard not to question Ma’s sincerity, when on the one hand he continues his courtship of 228 victims and their families, while on the other he persists in paying annual homage to the incident’s architect on the anniversary of his death. Ma’s argument that historical figures should not be judged by a single event just doesn’t wash.

Ma cannot have his 228 memorial cake and eat it.

Inconsistencies aside, it should be recognized that Ma at least makes an effort to promote reconciliation, even if his words are seldom backed up with action. This is more than can be said for the other ranking members of his party, who are conspicuous by their absence at this time of year.

The families of 228 victims are on the whole a retiring bunch: They do not bay for blood or seek retribution. Many would just like to know exactly what happened to their relatives and who was responsible for their deaths, as such information would help them fill in the gaps and close this tragic chapter in their family histories once and for all.

Yesterday’s release of previously unseen papers is a start, but the KMT also needs to give unhindered access to its party archives and make every document related to 228 available for public scrutiny.

The dilemma the party faces is that doing so would implicate certain party demagogues who remain popular with many Taiwanese, notably Ma’s mentor and former president Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國), who played a key role in collecting and passing on information about dissidents following the incident.

For this and many other reasons, such documents will likely never see the light of day, and the KMT will remain in an awkward position each spring as the opposition makes capital out of the KMT’s reluctance to clean the 228 skeletons from its closet.

Meanwhile, Ma will continue indefinitely with his annual balancing act as he attempts to tiptoe between the minefields of Taiwanese sentiment and KMT arrogance.
This story has been viewed 581 times.

amends for the crimes it committed during the incident and its protracted aftermath.

As usual, the KMT’s attempts at reconciliation have been left to President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九), who after several years of trying to build bridges with victims’ families can now show his face at memorial events without too much controversy.

Attending as president for the first time, Ma on Wednesday went further than ever before when, at a meeting with Taiwan 228 Association members, he said that dictator Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) was responsible for the tragedy.

Even the apparent progress reflected in this admission is questionable, as it contradicts Ma’s comments from two years ago, when defending Chiang, he said “the decision-maker during the incident was not the party’s chairman.”

But it is still hard not to question Ma’s sincerity, when on the one hand he continues his courtship of 228 victims and their families, while on the other he persists in paying annual homage to the incident’s architect on the anniversary of his death. Ma’s argument that historical figures should not be judged by a single event just doesn’t wash.

Ma cannot have his 228 memorial cake and eat it.

Inconsistencies aside, it should be recognized that Ma at least makes an effort to promote reconciliation, even if his words are seldom backed up with action. This is more than can be said for the other ranking members of his party, who are conspicuous by their absence at this time of year.

The families of 228 victims are on the whole a retiring bunch: They do not bay for blood or seek retribution. Many would just like to know exactly what happened to their relatives and who was responsible for their deaths, as such information would help them fill in the gaps and close this tragic chapter in their family histories once and for all.

Yesterday’s release of previously unseen papers is a start, but the KMT also needs to give unhindered access to its party archives and make every document related to 228 available for public scrutiny.

The dilemma the party faces is that doing so would implicate certain party demagogues who remain popular with many Taiwanese, notably Ma’s mentor and former president Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國), who played a key role in collecting and passing on information about dissidents following the incident.

For this and many other reasons, such documents will likely never see the light of day, and the KMT will remain in an awkward position each spring as the opposition makes capital out of the KMT’s reluctance to clean the 228 skeletons from its closet.

Meanwhile, Ma will continue indefinitely with his annual balancing act as he attempts to tiptoe between the minefields of Taiwanese sentiment and KMT arrogance.
This story has been viewed 581 times.

Posted by justinyes at 痞客邦 PIXNET Comments(0) Trackback(0) Hits(64)

張國立:解讀死亡

  • 2009-02-27
  • 中國時報
  • 【張國立】

     日本片《送行者.禮儀師的樂章》在這屆奧斯卡金像獎中得到最佳外語片,讓我想起一九八三年坎城影展中另一部得到大獎的日片《楢山節考》,因這兩部電影拍的都是日本文化中對於死亡的解讀。

     《楢山節考》是大導演今村昌平的傑作,改篇自深澤七郎的同名小說,故事中說的是某個偏遠山村,因為糧食有限,凡是七十歲以上的人都要被送到人跡罕至的深山裡去自生自滅,算是把人還給山神。片中的老太太已經六十九歲,她明白接下來的命運,並沒有向兒子或村民乞生,反而撞斷兩顆仍堅固的門牙,讓自己看起來更老些,堅定兒子送她上山的決心。

     當兒子揹著母親上山時,他掏出偷偷藏在懷裡的飯糰交給母親,沒想到老媽媽拒絕,她不想再「浪費食物」,因此這段行程雖讓人感到悲傷卻也看出母親迎接死亡的心情是輕鬆的,因為她這麼做是為了下一代。死亡的意義在此很清晰地展現出來:活。也就是自己的死亡目的,在造就家人的活下去。

     《送行者》從表面上來看,恰好和《楢山節考》相反,故事是個音樂家失業後返鄉誤打誤撞做了葬儀公司的職員,從學習到負責安排逝者的一切。中國傳統儒家的觀念裡,對逝者的禮儀很繁複,傳到日本之後,沒想到流傳至今,可以看出來對逝者的態度不僅是儀式而已,還有投下去的感情。

     死,是人很難突破的某種深層恐懼,因此很多科學家去專研死的過程,七○年代美國學者莫迪(Dr.Raymond Moody)專訪了上百位一度死過的活人,寫出一本書《Life After Life》,用很客觀方法敘述受訪者在幾近死亡時的經驗。二十年後它仍是暢銷書還在一九九二年拍成電影。我把書翻來覆去看了幾遍只得到一個結論,人在瀕臨死亡時的確似乎見到另一個世界,充滿光和影,但再下去就依然是謎,因為再下去人就死了,也接受不了採訪。

     死亡是個比外太空是否有生物、宇宙真的是在「大霹靂」理論下誕生的嗎,更玄,更不可知的領域。我對於死的好奇(或者恐懼),是在前陣子聖嚴法師去世時解開的,聖嚴用最簡單的態度去面對死亡,讓我想起《楢山節考》裡上山等死的老媽媽,這是相當程度的勇敢。對於活著的人,則應該用《送行者》的態度來歡送死者,畢竟按照莫迪博士的說法,他們正進入一個全新的世界

     寫得正爽,寫得自己好像快超脫於死亡的恐懼之外,老婆又來插嘴,哎,這便是家庭的幸福感呀。老婆看了看電腦螢幕,留下一句又讓我陷入另一層更深思考裡去的話,她說:「研究什麼死不死的,先研究你到底保了多少險。死還不簡單,活著的家人才痛苦。」

     嗯哼……A─do……女人的智慧往往超乎男人的想像……我的保險單呢?

Posted by justinyes at 痞客邦 PIXNET Comments(3) Trackback(0) Hits(64)

無乃德:邪惡真的「庸常」嗎?

  • 2009-02-27
  • 中國時報
  • 【吳乃德】

     林博文先生日前在本報的專欄討論了電影《為愛朗讀》,也討論了漢娜.鄂蘭「邪惡的庸常性」之概念。用這個概念來理解政治壓迫的參與者,不但過度簡化,而且也不符合歷史事實。不過,林先生的文章卻是一個很好的開始。他所提到的問題,正是台灣在討論轉型正義的時候所一直疏於面對的。

     鄂蘭針對納粹戰犯艾希曼的審判所寫的《艾希曼在耶路薩冷》一書,以「邪惡的庸常性」為副標題。艾希曼在戰爭期間負責逮捕、集中、然後運送猶太人到集中營;至少有六十萬猶太人因為他高度的行政效率而成為灰燼。鄂蘭要傳達的訊息和道德啟示是,如同她兩年後所說,「此種巨大規模的邪惡行為,並非來自執行者的邪惡、病態、或意識形態信仰。不論這些行為多麼邪惡,行為者絕對不是惡魔」,而是像你我一般的平常人。他之所以積極參與人類有史以來最大規模、最有組織、最有效率的屠殺,乃是基於平凡而世俗的動機:衷心服從指令、在官僚體系中力求表現和升遷。艾希曼的動機因此「十分庸常、非常人性」。

     以色列政府在一九九九年所公布的艾希曼獄中筆記,似乎也支持鄂蘭對邪惡的理解。艾希曼寫道,「我發現以服從和接受指令為基礎的生活,確實是一個舒適的生活。這種生活讓一個人對思考的需要減到最小。」

     鄂蘭「邪惡庸常性」之概念,將納粹的罪惡轉變成普遍性的道德議題,成為當代政治哲學討論道德責任的起點。目前為止超過兩百專書和論文討論她的書。這個概念也影響了後來耶魯心理學家密格蘭著名的電擊研究;該實驗試圖證明平常人多麼容易服從權威,而對同胞做出殘酷的行為。

     可是邪惡真的如此庸常嗎?鄂蘭對艾希曼的理解是正確的嗎?艾希曼的自我分析(其實是辯白)可以相信嗎?如果答案是否定,我們又能從中獲得何種不同的啟示?

     歷史和道德的反省都必須以事實為基礎。事實上,艾希曼並非只是接受上級指令的優良公務員。艾希曼被捕真實身分曝光後,他的許多阿根廷友人才恍然理解他過去的許多仇視猶太人的言論。也正是他的反猶太意識形態讓他在阿根廷的行蹤曝光。他的兒子有一次在女朋友家聊天的時候,不經意地顯露對德國沒有徹底消滅猶太人的惋惜。他的話引起女朋友父母的警覺,他們的檢舉終於導致艾希曼的落網。他的兒子從小在阿根廷長大,其反猶太人意識形態的唯一來源是他的父親。

     將政治壓迫的執行者、協力者,視為只是盡責任的服從者、或企求升遷的機會主義者,是過於簡化的解釋。壓迫體制由各種成員組成。有鄂蘭書中所提到的,暗中利用職權幫助猶太人而被槍斃的衛兵。也有心理上無法執行此種罪行而申請調職的軍官。事實上,納粹領導人知道,並非所有人都有能力執行這種「極端的邪惡」。因此他們通常准許調職的申請,而不加以處罰。納粹所從事人體實驗的歷史資料也顯示,他們選擇護士和衛兵的時候非常謹慎,特意淘汰那些心理上和道德上不適合這項工作的人。

     我們從這些事實獲得的啟示,截然不同於鄂蘭試圖傳達的訊息。從「邪惡的庸常性」出發,鄂蘭試圖提醒我們組織和權威的恐怖。她期待我們以道德勇氣來面對不正義的政府。「這種政府會面臨什麼樣情境,如果有足夠的人『不盡責地』拒絕支持它?甚至不需要主動的抵抗和反叛,這種拒絕支持都是一個有效的武器。」在後來的《責任與判斷》一書中,她這樣說。

     然而,我們從真實的艾希曼所獲得的啟發,卻是意識形態及族群偏見的恐怖。事實上,德國在第一次大戰之前是全歐洲對猶太人最寬容的國家;德國的猶太人因此也最缺乏猶太認同、最積極融入德國社會。可是戰敗和凡爾賽條約所帶來的重大屈辱,加上德國軍方為了規避戰敗責任而誣衊猶太人通敵及不參戰,使得猶太人成為德國屈辱之源,偏流的反猶太主義也成為宰制民主社會的思潮。

     壓迫體制的參與者到底應該承擔何種道德或法律責任?這個具有高度爭論性和政治性的問題,顯然不可能有標準答案。而且,壓迫體制的成員顯然由各種不同的人組成,我們無須用相同的眼光看待所有的成員。雖然或許永遠沒有結論,可是討論和反省本身就是一個建立民主文化的必要工程。

     (作者為中央研究院研究員,台灣「真相與和解促進會」會長)

Posted by justinyes at 痞客邦 PIXNET Comments(0) Trackback(0) Hits(54)

台灣需要重視「文化資本」短期理由

  • 2009-02-27
  • 中國時報
  • 【郝明義】

     在一次文化創意產業的圓桌會議上,馬英九總統說他重視文化,也希望日後大家記得他是「文化總統」,因為「文化使一個社會偉大」。我聽了之後,做了點補充:「對今天的台灣,文化不只是使我們偉大與否的課題,而是涉及我們能否存在下去的課題。」

     這麼說,有短期的理由,也有長期的理由。短期的理由,是因為和中國大陸三通之後而起的。

     三通之後,有次跟一位大陸的朋友問起他的感想。他很急切地表達對台灣的憂心,擔心三通之後來過台灣的大陸人,不但沒法了解台灣,還可能誤解台灣。

     「看那些旅遊景點的安排,你們主要還是什麼阿里山、日月潭。大陸人去台灣只要是去阿里山和日月潭的,回來沒有不失望的。」他說。

     他認為,大陸人對台灣,有一種神祕的嚮往。要滿足這種嚮往,根本不是一些山水風景或夜市小吃所能奏功的。「台灣的價值和感動人的地方,是台灣的文化。但台灣卻沒有意識到。」他說,「如果大陸人只是來走不過爾爾的一趟,台灣的觀光景點賺不到大陸人的錢還在其次,他們回去以後從此以為台灣的價值不過如此,那可真不只是你們的不幸而已。」我很同意他的擔憂。

     過去有相當長的一段時間,眼看著中國大陸的經濟發展如同滾雪球的過程,台灣為如何三通,自己如何不被孤立而急切不已。現在,紛攘多年之後,三通已經實現,連兩岸經合協定都要簽了。兩岸經濟融合,一時看不出會停止的可能與理由。但也在這個時候,我們應該注意到自己正在面對一個新的課題:隨著融入中國大陸帶動的滾雪球過程之後,台灣如何維持自己的主體性,而不要在這個過程中被淹沒。

     以小事大,這是古往今來一向的課題。更何況現在中國大陸的大,非比尋常。台灣想要搭上這種「大」,卻又想維持自己的主體性,可以依靠的條件沒什麼。天然資源,說不上。金錢財富,談不上。人才資源,不一定。技術,不足恃。最自傲的民主政治,不見得。

     台灣唯一可以倚靠、利用、相信的,只有文化。台灣只有把「文化」當成一種新的資本使用,開啟以「文化」來創造第四波經濟的時代,才有可能給所有目前擁有的資源、發展與產業,賦與新的意義。

     為什麼?因為「文化」就是一種對價值和品味的堅持。這種堅持來自於一個社會從過去的承接,也出自於一個社會現在有容乃大的開放發展。台灣保存了中國文化裡很精華的一個基礎,又很開放地容納了許多新的外來元素,再加上民主進程的陶冶,使得自己相較於任何其他華文社會,在「文化」上都有很獨特的立足點,有筆他人沒有的豐厚資本可用。

     相較於其他華文地區,台灣光挑第一波產業(農林漁牧),第二波產業(工業生產與服務),第三波產業(資訊)單獨來看,今天談不上什麼明顯的領先優勢,但一旦懂得在其中注入「文化」資本,一旦開始重視「以文化創意為特色的產業」,同時又鼓勵「從文化中尋找創意的產業」,那就可以化平淡為神奇,創造出截然不同於過去的附加價值。

     過去,當「文化資本」啟動的第四波經濟還沒到來的時候,當兩岸還沒有三通的時候,台灣對自己文化如何評估、如何使用的省思,沒有那麼急迫。但是今天則不同。不論就世界觀而言,還是兩岸融合過程中的實際課題而言,「文化」都成了台灣短期內必須重視的新資本,同時,也是唯一的資本。

     只有透過「文化資本」的使用,台灣才可能把自己第一波、第二波、第三波產業脫胎換骨,進可以在兩岸經濟融合的過程中突出自己不可替代的角色,退可以防止自己在這個融合過程中面目模糊,日益淹沒的風險。

     (作者為大塊文化出版社創辦人)

Posted by justinyes at 痞客邦 PIXNET Comments(0) Trackback(0) Hits(37)